Read Erased: Missing Women, Murdered Wives Online
Authors: Marilee Strong
Tags: #Violence in Society, #General, #Murderers, #Case studies, #United States, #Psychology, #Women's Studies, #Murder, #Uxoricide, #Pregnancy & Childbirth, #True Crime, #Social Science, #Crimes against, #Pregnant Women, #Health & Fitness
E R A S E D
if in the end Scott was capable of the consummate act of domestic
violence. Something else was going on here, but what?
After a number of other incidences of mysteriously disappear-ing women broke into the headlines, I began to see a connection.
At first the similarities between these new stories and the Peter-son case just seemed like strange coincidences. Nineteen months
after Laci’s disappearance, Lori Hacking—another young pregnant
woman in what had appeared to be a loving relationship— went
missing in Utah. Lori’s husband, who everyone believed to be an
honest, hard-working, religious man, seemed almost to have taken
notes from Scott Peterson’s playbook in an effort to pull off a perfect
murder. Hacking had set the scene so that it appeared his wife had
gone jogging in a quiet park on the mouth of a canyon, thus putting
her well outside the home and into an area where, conceivably,
something bad but unknown could easily have happened to her.
Although Mark Hacking stuck to his very simple and straightfor-ward story, police quickly uncovered a series of lies not directly linked
to Lori’s disappearance, but which cast grave doubt on the young
man’s honesty. Mark Hacking had been leading a double life—not
the kind of stylish and seductive double life one sees so often in fic-tional portrayals of spies or sophisticated con artists, but a strangely
sad double life in which he spent all his time and effort pretending
that he was a nose-to-the-grindstone premed student when he was
nothing of the sort.
Learning the details of the Hacking case sent me back to my files
and detailed notes covering some seemingly minor facts about Scott
Peterson. In addition to the obvious lies Scott had told to cover up
his murder, and the whopper he had told his girlfriend and others
in claiming not to be married, there was an eerie parallel here. I
knew through a series of sources how Scott would ‘‘innocently’’ but
frequently introduce lies about himself whenever he had the chance to
inflate his own image. Rather than being a married fertilizer salesman
who worked for a subsidiary of a European corporation, he portrayed
himself as an international business owner and globetrotting playboy.
When he was away from anyone who actually knew him, his wealth,
accomplishments, and prowess all increased dramatically.
This tendency toward extravagantly embroidered mendacity
seemed to reflect two distinct but interrelated psychological char-acteristics. Peterson and Hacking appeared to be compulsive
liars—although they both had the ability to modulate their lies
Introduction
5
in situations where they knew they might get caught. But even
more interesting was the complex pattern of their lying, especially to
their wives—lies told, maintained, and elaborated over long periods
of time—in order to cover the fact that they were leading secret
lives.
Scott Peterson’s other, more glamorous life was that of a randy
bachelor; he was able to take advantage of a surprising number of
nights ‘‘away on business’’ to pursue his compulsive need to romance
other women. Mark Hacking’s secret life was far less exciting. His
studious fac¸ade masked a kind of aimless slacking, like that of a boy
who didn’t want to grow up.
Then one day when I was researching the legal issue at the
very center of the Peterson case—whether murder can be proved
by purely circumstantial evidence—I stumbled unexpectedly on
details of another case that led me to believe that some of the key
psychological factors being exhibited by these unusual killers were
more than a coincidence and might, in fact, provide essential clues to
the real motivation and makeup of these men.
That third case involved an urbane lothario named L. Ewing
Scott, who killed his wife more than fifty years ago. Although no
trace of Evelyn Scott was ever found, her husband was found guilty of
killing her— the first time in U.S. history that someone was convicted
of murder without a corpse or without any physical proof of death
whatsoever. The case established clear legal precedent— not only that
murder can be proven without a body but also that circumstantial
evidence can be given just as much weight as eyewitness testimony or
other forms of evidence.
However, for reasons that will be explored in this book, bodiless
murder convictions remain relatively rare. The odds of getting away
with murder by erasing the victim are astonishingly good a full
half-century after the L. Ewing Scott decision.
As I looked into more and more of these ‘‘missing wife’’ cases, it
became clear to me that ‘‘getting away with murder’’ was an essential
force, but not the only force, driving these killers. One might assume
that every killer, every criminal of any sort, wants to get away with his
crime. But most domestic homicides are not planned, not carefully
calculated and covered up. In fact, most intimate partner killers make
no attempt to hide their identity.
Then a case broke into the news that seemed like a variation
on this type of hidden domestic homicide, involving an even more
6
E R A S E D
audacious ruse than a faked missing person scenario. Dr. Barton
Corbin, a successful dentist who lived in a suburb of Atlanta, was
indicted in December 2004 for the death of his one-time girlfriend
fourteen years earlier, and two weeks later he was indicted for the
murder of his current wife.
Both women had been found dead under nearly identical circum-stances: looking as though they had committed suicide, a gun by their
side, their bodies both in very similar postures. Although friends of
the first dead woman were highly suspicious of the coroner’s finding
of suicide, Corbin had not been charged with anything and had
simply gone on to build a flourishing dental practice and find a new
woman to love him . . . until he was through with her, too. Although
Corbin used a different strategy to rid himself of a partner for whom
he no longer had any use, he seemed a close cousin to the Scott
Peterson type of killer. Corbin’s crimes were just as carefully planned
and premeditated as Peterson’s, but instead of disappearing his
victims and leaving what happened to them an open-ended mystery,
he created a staged crime scene to account for each woman’s death
in a way that seemed to clear him of any involvement—in fact, made
the victims appear not to have been murdered at all. And he did such
a convincing job of it that he only tipped his hand when he had the
temerity to try it a second time.
Both Peterson and Corbin were confident, intelligent, educated
men who appeared to be unblinking in the face of enormous pressure
from the police, the media, and the families of their loved ones. In
both cases there was almost no physical evidence linking the killer
to the crime. In fact, both men had gone to an unusual amount of
effort to eliminate any sign that their victims had struggled for their
lives, to time their crimes such that there would not be eyewitnesses,
and to erase forensic evidence that might betray their actions. And
both men concocted scenarios that, if believed, would leave them
in the clear. Whereas Scott Peterson made his wife’s pregnant body
disappear, Barton Corbin left his wife’s dead body in plain view but
made his own actions and involvement ‘‘disappear.’’
Yet unlike Scott Peterson, Corbin gave no media interviews,
refused to speak even to police, and, to use cop terminology,
‘‘lawyered up’’ within hours of his wife’s death, even though he
was maintaining that it was just a tragic suicide. I suspected at the
time that Corbin— who committed his second murder in the waning
days of the Peterson trial— was learning from the Peterson case and
Introduction
7
was trying to avoid the mistakes that Scott had made by not saying
anything that could possibly be used against him.
In her book on the Corbin case,
Too Late to Say Goodbye
, crime
writer Ann Rule confirmed the fact that Corbin had followed the
Peterson trial avidly. His sister-in-law remembered Barton remarking
one day that Peterson got caught ‘‘because he couldn’t keep his mouth
shut.’’
Around this same time, a thirty-seven-year-old Alabama man
named Thomas Lane broke into the home where his estranged wife
was staying and drowned her while she was taking a bath, holding
her down under the water with his foot until she stopped breathing.
He then took some money and jewelry to make it appear that his wife
had been killed when surprised by a burglar.
Lane murdered his wife of eight years, Teresa, a ‘‘mail-order bride’’
from the Philippines, not because she was attempting to leave him.
It was Thomas who wanted out of the marriage, telling friends and
neighbors even before he killed Teresa that he was planning to replace
her with a younger model he had already ‘‘bought and paid for.’’ He
even showed them pictures of his new bride-to-be, a woman he met
on the Internet, bragging that she was just thirteen or fourteen years
old.
Like Scott Peterson and so many of the other killers I was beginning
to research, Lane seemed to have no emotional attachment to his wife
whatsoever. In his mind, she was nothing more than a commodity
he had purchased, and he had the right to an upgrade whenever he
saw fit. Tragically, he believed that once she was of no further use to
him, she had no right to go on living.
At trial his father revealed how Lane was directly inspired by
Peterson, whom he saw as offering a solution to his own marital
woes.
‘‘If I could do what Peterson did and get away with it, I’d kill her,’’
Thomas Lane told his father three weeks before the murder.
It was chilling to see that the killers themselves were making the
connection between these crimes, regardless of the specific modus
operandi employed. Whether they chose to disappear the victim
or the crime itself by staging the death as a suicide or some other
event, it was clear that these were simply two sides of the same coin.
The meticulous planning and supreme self-control exhibited both
before and after the crimes I was investigating and beginning to link
together seemed to be a significant aspect of these men’s characters,
8
E R A S E D
far beyond the murderous aspect of their personalities. The expertise
at lying and manipulation that is needed to successfully lead a double
life is indicative of a high degree of Machiavellian thinking and
behavior. Whereas political scientists and others sometimes use the
term
Machiavellian
, psychologists have developed a formal category
and accompanying tests and measures for people whose psychological
makeup ranks high in such traits.
Other malignant personality characteristics seemed to be involved
as well, from cold-blooded psychopathic tendencies to extreme
degrees of narcissism. But there was something else curious about
these men’s characters. Erasing their victims appeared to be not
just a means to an end but an end in itself. Once they made the
decision to kill, they began purging all traces of the victim’s existence
in their lives. Many began getting rid of the woman’s possessions
within days of her disappearance, pulling up stakes, changing their
lifestyles dramatically. Some immediately replaced their missing
wives or girlfriends with other women—sometimes with look-alikes
for the disappeared. And, most shockingly, some later attempted
to get away with murder again, erasing another wife or girlfriend,
sometimes, as in Corbin’s case, in exactly the same manner as their
first crime.
Many put an extraordinary amount of thought into their crimes,
researching methods of killing and means of body disposal, and
boning up on investigatory and forensic techniques. They also seemed
to look to and learn from each other as models, noting what worked
for other killers and what pitfalls to avoid.
For example, I believe that Scott Peterson based his plan on a
number of highly publicized prior disappearances, most notably of
several coeds during his college years in San Luis Obispo. One of
these young women, Kristin Smart, remains missing more than a
decade later. Even though police believe they know who killed her,
no one has ever been charged.
The Smart case is an almost textbook example of how easy it can
be to get away with murder. I believe Scott learned from this case how
oversights and inaction in the crucial first days of a disappearance may
prevent a killer from ever being charged, much less convicted. I think
he relied on assumptions about police investigation that he drew from
this case in conceiving his own murder plan— for example, choosing
to carry out the crime and report his wife missing on Christmas Eve.
He assumed, wrongly, that no experienced detectives would even